Need a research paper on Annotated Bibliography/ Business & Finance – Marketing
Need a research paper on Annotated Bibliography/ Business & Finance – Marketing
RQ1: What is the role of public relations teams in managing two-way communication between the brand and its audience through social media channels?
RQ2: What is the PR team’s strategy in creating and responding to messages exchanged using social media?
SO the topic is focus on the two communication that social media provide to the Public Relations.
I have collected my resources, 30 articles. *Please do not add any sources, it has to be these sources that I attached.
I want an Annotated Bibliography for all of these resources (30), each resource with 8 sentences.
This what the sentences should content:
Explanation of the assignment:
Annotation:
1· Citation: The first thing is to put the citation. (APA Style)
2 Source Summary and it should contain:
o 8 sentences: Sentences: Sentences should be complex and contain enough information for me to understand what the article/source is about without you being present to explain it to me. Insert a double space between citation entry and summary and end of summary and next citation entry. The remainder of the document should be single spaced.
o Focus of study
o Finding/key outcomes
o Method if appropriate
o Relationship to paper
Also; I attached the sample of how we write the Annotated Bibliography. 8 sentences for each resources, not 5 as in the paper.
I need 8 sentences for each.
I will attach the 30 resources.Please do not use another resources.
If you want the idea of my research you can see My topic of the research as well as the research questions in order to write the Annotated Bibliography very well.
Note: I am an international student, so please write it with very simple words. I attached one page as a simple of my writing.
Public relations (PR) practitioners are among those cultural intermediaries who privi- lege symbols, products, and communication rituals in society. Through interviews (n = 26) and analysis of practitioners’ Twitter accounts, this study considers how members of this field identify their personal social networking site audiences and how these behaviors are implicated in the performance of their online identity. Findings indicate practitioners feel pressure to use personal social media in accordance with field-constrained norms and that an “occupational publicness” pressure requires them to be visible online outside of the workplace. The persistent specter of public criticism from audiences and the prioritiz- ing of organizational interests above their own self-expression limits performances of PR practitioners’ authentic selves online.
© 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
. Introduction
As creative media workers, public relations (PR) practitioners play a central role in the creation, modification, and sym- olization of cultural meaning in our global economy (Edwards & Hodges, 2011). Public relations is one of the cultural
ntermediary professions (along with journalism, marketing, and advertising) in which practitioners privilege certain con- umer behaviors, artifacts, and attitudes in society (Bourdieu, 1984; Edwards, 2012). PR practitioners contribute to the evelopment and maintenance of societal rituals and symbols by promoting their organizations and serving as an official
nterface between their organizations and the various groups that interact with their organizations (Edwards, 2012; Witmer, 006). This work is embedded within an occupational culture that is influenced by the subjective meanings of individual ractitioners and broader socio-cultural factors (Hodges, 2006).
Of central concern to this study is that PR’s occupational culture has largely been overlooked in scholarly considerations of ultural intermediary work (Edwards, 2012). This is an oversight as the personal media habits of practitioners are implicated n one of the five moments in the circuit of culture, regulation (Curtin & Gaither, 2007). That is, media use among PR ractitioners is part of an institutionalized system of professional identity formation within the field and certain norms in he field regulate occupational practice (Curtin & Gaither, 2007). This regulating behavior is an important contextual factor
n the production of culture. Specifically, the attitudes and media choices of practitioners and field-preferred norms can be ndicative of practitioners’ approaches to role performativity on behalf of organizations and communicative competence L’Etang, 2011). Recent research has indicated that PR practitioners utilize non-organizational affiliated social networking ccounts to create, share, and curate content for audiences that include a mix of personal and professional audiences (Bridgen,
∗ Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: justin.walden@ndsu.edu (J.A. Walden), joshua.parcha@ndsu.edu (J.M. Parcha).
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2016.11.002 363-8111/© 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2016.11.002
http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/03638111
http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1016/j.pubrev.2016.11.002&domain=pdf
mailto:justin.walden@ndsu.edu
mailto:joshua.parcha@ndsu.edu
dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2016.11.002
146 J.A. Walden, J.M. Parcha / Public Relations Review 43 (2017) 145–151
2011; Fawkes, 2015). We extend this conversation by examining how PR practitioners define their social network audiences and what guides their decisions to share and curate content outside of their formal work roles.
2. Literature review
PR’s occupational culture has been shaped by the emergence of networked technologies such as social networking platforms and smartphones. Internet users (regardless of their profession) are increasingly integrating non-work and work- related communication activities into their media use patterns throughout the day (Emarketer, 2016; Vitak, 2012). Social networking sites and mobile devices that allow users to readily connect to these platforms are available to such an extent that the gaps between one’s personal and professional networks have become harder to separate (Vitak, 2012). This gives rise to context collapse, where the affordances of social networking sites contributes to the “flattening out of multiple distinct audiences” into one “ singular group of message recipients” (Vitak, 2012; p. 451). In attempting to cope with context collapse, one must “negotiate self-presentation to different professional audiences such as managers versus peers, colleagues versus clients or business partners, and members of various organizational units and job functions” (Ellison, Gibbs, & Weber, 2015; p. 113).
These broader technology-related shifts have critical implications for PR practitioners’ behavior both in and out of the workplace. Public relations practitioners use social media outside of their formal workday to further their organization’s mission and particular campaigns, develop new skills, and advance their own career and personal brand (Bridgen, 2011). Both Bridgen (2011) and Fawkes (2015) have suggested that the demonstration of professional expertise extends well beyond traditional work hours in this field. Even when PR practitioners communicate about work through their personal social networking accounts outside of their official organizational roles, they still act as informal social mediators on behalf of their organization (Himelboim, Golan, Moon, & Suto, 2014). Thus, PR’s occupational-practitioner culture is characterized by blurred public-private boundaries in a way that privileges organizational interests across time and personal spaces (Vardeman-Winter & Place, 2015).
L’Etang (2011), Pieczka (2002), and Sriramesh and Vercic (2011) are among those who have emphasized the need to deconstruct and explore PR’s occupational culture and the performances and rules that form the foundation of PR in practi- tioners’ in-work and their out-of-work roles. However, the processes involved in navigating between these realms via social media for this group of creative media workers have not been fully explored. To help explain how practitioners navigate between these realms, we briefly consider the literature regarding impression management.
2.1. Impression formation and the imagined audience
The notion that people present their personal identities to audiences through their words and actions can be traced back to Goffman (1959). People create a face for each social interaction and actively engage in impression formation among their audiences (Goffman, 1959). Identity performance, which can shape one’s social relationships, is continuous and subject to ongoing change. In performing one’s self to others, the actor habitually monitors how audiences are responding to this presentation (Goffman, 1959). Networked technology such as social media provides a platform for social interaction and links the individual to various online audiences (Papacharissi, 2012). Against this backdrop, social media have created many layers of “publicness” to one’s identity expression (Baym & boyd, 2012). PR work includes a greater degree of publicness than ever before because of the availability of social media for personal and professional use.
Goffman’s work has informed several notable studies and commentaries in the public relations literature about impres- sion management and role performance. Fawkes (2015) found that through the impression management process, PR practitioners put effort into preserving one’s personal and others’ “face” or self-image to the public. Additionally, Johansson (2007) observed that organizational identity and organizational relationships with stakeholders are co-constructed through interactions between PR practitioners and organizational stakeholders. Through these interactions, the PR practitioner has an expected role performance as both an organizational spokesperson and as an individual citizen (Bridgen, 2011). This suggests a link between the performance of the PR practitioner’s public identity and the performance of the organization’s public identity (Himelboim et al., 2014; Johansson, 2007). In response, practitioners consistently shift between public and private identity expression (Fawkes, 2015).
Given their privileged role in the circuit of culture (Curtin & Gaither, 2007), PR practitioners are a key group to examine when it comes to audience-defining behaviors and impression management. Our study considers how PR practitioners identify their social network site audiences and how this selection regulates the presentation of their multi-faceted role
identities. In an attempt to extend the discussion about the blurring of PR practitioners’ identities across time and online spaces (Bridgen, 2011; Vardeman-Winter & Place, 2015), we sought to answer the following research question:
In the context of enacted audience selection, how do occupational norms regulate PR practitioners’ use of social networking sites for non-institutionally affiliated purposes?
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. Methodology
.1. Method overview
Two sources of data were collected and analyzed for this study. In-depth interviews with 26 PR practitioners in a mid-sized ortheast United States city were conducted from August 2014 to July 2015. Interviews explored why participants joined
social network and why they followed someone on social media. Also included in the interview protocol were questions bout how respondents understood their audiences, such as: ‘Who do you imagine reads your social media posts?’ and
Please describe a scenario or example in which you adjusted what you posted on a social network because of an audience onsideration.’ Semi-structured interviews were selected to inquire about individuals’ behaviors, while leaving open the otential for flexibility in the conversation (Charmaz & Belgrave, 2012). An initial analysis of interview transcripts indicated hat Twitter was an occupation-preferred platform because of the focus on sharing news. To understand practitioners’ xperiences in entirety and their lifeworld (Hodges, 2006), we subsequently analyzed their posting behaviors on Twitter.
.2. Participant characteristics
On average, participants had been with their current organizations for 5.5 years at the time of the interview. Sixteen omen and 10 men were interviewed. Twelve respondents worked either as independent practitioners or for agencies.
ourteen respondents worked in-house for firms in the entertainment, health, education, and financial services industries. ight were non-managers, while 18 were managers.
.3. Data collection
Interviews were conducted by the first author either in respondents’ workplace (n = 23) or in coffee shops that were quiet t the time of the interview (n = 3). All interviews were recorded on a digital recorder and transcribed. Respondents were ssigned a pseudonym to ensure confidentiality. Interviews averaged 51.9 min in length. In-person interviews in one city llowed for ease of access to respondents, which facilitated data collection.
The transcribed interviews consisted of 210,989 words on 401 single-spaced Microsoft Word pages. Following the inter- iews, 24 respondent Twitter accounts were examined (one respondent’s tweets were private, and one respondent’s account ould not be located). For those respondents who were active on Twitter (n = 11), we reviewed their first 100 tweets of 2016. or those who were not as active (n = 13), we analyzed up to 100 tweets over a multi-year period (though some had not ven shared 100 tweets at all). This resulted in 2,131 reviewed tweets. The inclusion of multiple data sources “reduces the ikelihood of the researcher making misleading claims or writing a superficial analysis” (Charmaz & Belgrave, 2012; p. 351).
.4. Data analysis
Data analysis occurred in three phases via the social constructivist approach to grounded theory (Charmaz, 2006). In ccordance with this grounded theory approach, the first author wrote researcher memos at the conclusion of each interview Charmaz, 2006). Memos outlined the list of social networking sites that each respondent reported using and an initial escription of how respondents determined their audiences for social media messages. The first author analyzed these emos as data were collected. The second phase of analysis occurred when each author conducted a line-by-line review of
nterview transcripts, which generated the initial categories of “pressures” and “responses.” During this analysis phase, we ach coded the important words and groups of words that were relevant to the research question (Charmaz, 2006). Each uthor identified these codes on their own and then codes were jointly reviewed during three intensive sessions as a means f co-constructing meaning from the data (Charmaz & Belgrave, 2012). The third phase of analysis involved a final review f interview transcripts, examination of respondents’ tweets, and refinement of the initial categories. The third round of nalysis and axial coding generated the new category of “personal reflection.”
. Results
Findings reveal that PR practitioners’ behavior on their personal (non-institutionally affiliated) social networking accounts s shaped by several audience-related occupational pressures and reflection about the potential impact of their posts on their rganization’s and personal reputations (Fig. 1). Participants indicated that they felt expectations to use their personal social edia accounts to demonstrate expertise to peers and clients and to maintain a visible online presence to complement their
resence in their organization’s physical communities. With these pressures, PR practitioners may limit the frequency to hich they post, and multiple respondents reported engaging in activities to curtail their individual expression when they
o post. Using language that speaks to Goffman’s (1959) notion of impression management, Jeremiah, a manager in the arts
ndustry, put it this way: “It is tough because you almost have to give away a little bit of your personal life and your identity n social media in order to fit the role.” Discussed below, three core factors highlight the relationship between occupational orms and the presentation of the PR practitioner’s authentic self online.
148 J.A. Walden, J.M. Parcha / Public Relations Review 43 (2017) 145–151
Pres sures • Maintain v isibility
• Pub lic scru tiny Occup ation al Context Shapes Be havior
Awareness of Person al and Organization al
Repu tation s
Reflection • Pause b efor e po sting • Ongo ing p erfor mance
assessment
Responses • Choo sing no t to po st • Self- editing b ehavior s
Fig. 1. Factors that describe PR practitioners’ use of personal social networking sites.
4.1. Recognizing the pressures to perform
Across age, industry, and amount of professional experience, respondents reported feeling a significant expectation to be visible in online spaces. To this point, practitioners perceived a pressure around what is best understood as “occupational publicness,” where they are expected to perform an occupational-limited authentic self to audiences outside of the workplace and where they are expected to adopt multiple social networking tools for professional development. Whitney, who was a PR manager for a large corporation at the time of the interview, addressed this expectation: “I should be there, I need to know how it works, I need to know what’s happening for me.” With pressure to be engaged online once the workday ends, respondents believe that audiences within and outside of the PR industry are constantly judging their performance.
4.1.1. Maintain visibility PR practitioners are often responsible for posting to their organization’s social media accounts on behalf of their clients.
This, combined with the regular act of communicating to external audiences such as the news media, enhanced the belief among respondents that they are consistently in the public’s eye and are constantly expected to promote their organizations. Supporting prior research (Bridgen, 2011), respondents reported feeling professional expectations to use their personal social media accounts outside of standard work hours. Reflecting this idea, Mariah, a manager at a non-profit organization, used language that resonated with many of her peers: “PR is an industry that never turns off, so I feel like to some extent that is a pressure factor that requires you to be online.” Yet nine respondents specifically indicated that they wanted to remain out of the public eye on their personal accounts. Even though they may prefer otherwise, PR practitioners perceive an expectation that they must maintain an active online presence via their personal social networking accounts.
Twenty-two respondents manage their organization’s or their agency’s client-affiliated social network accounts; those who did not have this access still reported feeling an obligation to learn how these platforms work in case future client-driven usage needs arise. Said Elaine, who works in higher education: “You need to know what these are to make better decisions about what you are going to use.” The consequences of not using social platforms included a failure to develop professional skills and a loss of key intelligence about peer and community decision-makers.
4.1.2. Audience judgment The occupational publicness obligation related to a second perceived performance pressure. In addition to expressing an
overriding interest in being visible in the field and a need to be knowledgeable about emerging social networking platforms, respondents frequently indicated that working in the field subjects them to constant audience scrutiny. Thus, the presenta- tion of self and sharing and curating of content is performed with high sensitivity to critiques from multiple audiences. Paul, a prominent practitioner in the market, encapsulated this idea with language that also resonated with Goffman: “This is a stage . . . you’ve chosen your profession and you have to choose your words.” The relationship between personal media use and occupational culture is seen in a follow-up comment from Paul, who has more than two decades of experience in the field: “You’ve got to know who your audiences are and if I can control who my message is going to, all the better because I
think most communicators should be doing that.” Practitioners are expected to conform to the standard industry approach in public relations of strategically linking messages to designated targeted audiences even when they post to their personal accounts (Witmer, 2006). If this professionally oriented role is not performed on one’s personal accounts, then there is a risk of public criticism.
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The threat of this criticism idea surfaced with Antoinette, an arts PR manager: “You can’t post anything that is really stupid ecause people are going to think, ‘What the heck? How does she get her job?”’ Victor voiced frustration with this context. n his late 20s, Victor runs several client accounts for his agency, often posts to his own networks, and has volunteered his ocial media skills to support a non-profit group. Yet he has also encountered criticism for something as basic as a typo in a ost: “To a fault I think people have gotten obsessed with finding the mistakes in our field. I mean the online world can be
really ugly place.” These pressures demonstrate the socialization and knowledge-building pressures of PR’s practitioner ulture (Hodges, 2006).
.2. Reflecting on their performances
Against this backdrop, PR practitioners think carefully about what they post on social networking sites and how this nfluences both their personal reputation and their client’s reputation. The pressures felt by PR practitioners prompted several espondents to state that they engaged in a deliberative process before sharing content. Lisa echoed several respondents’ omments with the following scenario:
I was going to post a fun photo or something but it made me take [a] pause because you realize that you are broadcasting to everyone. I think it forces people to be more cognizant of what it is they are doing.
From this perspective, it is evident that Lisa thought carefully about what she shares, as she was aware about the public ature of her posts. Edward, who works in the sports industry, indicated that he is an “outlier” because he does not use ocial media much when he is not at work. Like other respondents, he acknowledged the field’s expectations that he should e online, but stated, “I [am] just more comfortable sort of being able to lay low and under the radar.” He addressed how his rofessional orientation shapes this approach:
Sometimes I’m an over-thinker. That’s just a PR thing because you always try . . . to think about the worst-case scenario or how are people going to interpret that. So [I’m] very careful about the wording of things.
Before practitioners even share content, it appears that they first consider the nature of what they were posting and they ake sure that what they post will be favorably viewed by audience members. In this respect, the lines between personal
nd professional begin to blur and the performance of the authentic self becomes secondary to the performance of the rganization. To this point, only five respondents used variants of the common phrase “these tweets are my own” in their witter profile descriptions. According to Mariah: “You have got a brand that is not personal and professional brand: There s a brand.” Elaine, a practitioner in higher education who has a Twitter account solely for publishing client-related posts, dded:
We interact with so many people and we are out all the time. Sometimes you need to step back and have some private regroup time, rethink time, whatever you want to call it.
This taking a ‘step back’ occurs before PR practitioners decide to share content and as part of an ongoing reflection about ow the self is performed online.
.3. Engaging with audiences online
Regardless of their approach to managing these audience categories, PR practitioners consistently felt pressure to add lients and peers as friends to their personal social networking networks. With these audiences identified, respondents ngaged in some form of online behavior, often either passively posting or self-editing their identities.
.3.1. Passive engagement In response to role pressures and reflection, practitioners engaged in several behaviors that limit the demonstration of
hat they felt was their true selves and they frequently described self-editing behaviors. As PR practitioners’ professional nd personal audiences merge, there is an expectation that they share content that will be perceived as useful to a broad ange of people. However, to make a post relevant to a wide audience takes time and careful deliberation. Said Lisa, who orks in finance: “I’m not really a proactive poster. It’s a time factor. Writing a post and sharing it takes a lot from me to nd something completely compelling to share.” Echoing Lisa, Mariah stated that active engagement on social media has ecome a thing of the past: “It is not even dialing back. I just choose not to post at all.” In another example, Victor, a digital edia manager, indicated that he will frequently scroll through posts but will not actually post after work. With these
ases, participants passively engage with their personal social media audiences out of habit. Our post-interview analysis of articipant Twitter accounts revealed that nine respondents had posted fewer than 20 tweets during the first 140 days of 016, with four not posting at all in 2016 at the time of our review.
.3.2. Active engagement governed by self-editing behaviors For those who post, there is often a tension between wanting to be self-expressive and a worry that a post will reflect
oorly on their organization. Said Theresa, “A part of you wishes that you could express how you feel but then you think bout the possible repercussions.” Added
